Japanese Mass Suicides Operation Ketsu-Go
The War of the Pacific against Imperial Japan was marked by episodes of mass suicides by Japanese soldiers and civilians, notably in Saipan and Okinawa. These deaths illustrated Japan’s will to fight to the death to defend their mainland rather than surrender unconditionally. They may also have played a role in the US military’s decision to drop the atomic bombs on Japan.
“They will not surrender”
In July 1944, American troops in Saipan bore witness to a
“banzai” charge, where nearly 4,000 Japanese soldiers charged American
troops and fought to their death. They were following the last orders of
their commander, Lieutenant General Yoshisugu Saito, who had called for
this all-out surprise attack in the honor of the Emperor before
committing ritual suicide. American troops also witnessed a different
atrocity as they saw women grabbing children and jumping from cliffs
rather than submitting to capture.
As US forces pushed forward, island by island, troops continued to bear
witness to Japanese soldiers and civilians taking their own lives.
Okinawa was a particularly hellish scene as nearly one-third of the
island population died.
Among these were Koreans who had been forcibly migrated from annexed
Korea to Japanese islands to be press-ganged as laborers and comfort
women. While the Japanese government states there was “military
involvement” in these suicides, survivors attest to a compulsory mass
suicide, or shudan jiketsu.
Ota Masahide, a survivor and Okinawa historian, wrote in an article for
the Asia-Pacific Journal in 2014 that the military distributed
hand-grenades to the civilian population as the means to commit suicide
with loved ones.
Those that survived the grenades “worried” about being alive and found
other ways to kill themselves with other weapons such as scythes, razor
blades, ropes, rocks, and sticks. Military propaganda had warned the
civilian population that if they were captured, the Americans would
torture, rape, and murder them.
“As the mayhem unfolded, they found all sorts of ways to kill…Men bashed
their wives and parents bashed their children, young people killed the
elderly and the strong killed the weak,” Masahide said. “What they felt
in common was the belief that they were doing this out of love and
compassion.”
Another survivor, Kinjo Shigeaki, who took 20 years to speak about his
experience, identified three factors that created this mentality: “The
ideology of obedience to the Emperor, the presence of the Imperial
Japanese Army, and being on an island…with no way to escape.”
“Back in those days of 100 million Japanese citizens supposedly being
prepared to fight to the very last man, everybody was prepared for
death,” Shigeaki said.
“The doctrine of total obedience to the Emperor emphasized death and made light of life. The willingness to die for the Emperor on a faraway island resulted in a whole new sense of identity.”
Operation Ketsu-Go
In the meantime, “the Emperor on a faraway island”
continued to call for suicidal defensive battle strategies. He hoped
that the atrocities would persuade America to negotiate a compromise
rather than an unconditional surrender, according to historian John W.
Dower. Emperor Hirohito actively chose an “all-out defense of Okinawa”
to showcase Japan’s willingness to fight to the end, ignoring advice to
end the war.
As stories of Saipan and Okinawa reached the American public, the
lasting effect was indeed a deep disturbance over the Japanese mindset
as the public heard stories of kamikaze pilots plummeting to their
deaths, and of mass suicides committed by members of the military and
civilians.
“In ’45, we knew about Guadalcanal, we knew about Iwo Jima, we knew
about Okinawa,” said Richard Yalman in an interview with the Atomic
Heritage on 2015. “People are going to do kamikaze, every one of them is
going to be a kamikaze. We knew that, and it would be just terrible.”
Raising of the Flag at Iwo Jima. Courtesy of Joe Rosenthal, Associated Press.
American military leadership was affected by the “ferocity of Japan’s
no-surrender policy,” according to Dower. A Joint Chiefs of Staff
planning document, dated August 30, 1944, coined the “Saipan ratio” and
stated that it would take “approximately 1 American killed and several
wounded to exterminate 7 Japanese soldiers.” According to the Saipan
ratio, an invasion of the main island of Kyushu would be extremely
costly in terms of American lives.
Then, on April 8, 1945, Japan launched Operation Ketsu-go. It was to be
the final defense strategy in case of an American invasion of Kyushu and
would focus on “inflicting tremendous casualties on US forces to
undermine the American will to fight for unconditional surrender,”
according to a publication by the Marine Corps Intelligence Activity
(MCIA).
The mainland defense strategy called for an increase in the use of
defensive suicide tactics. The remaining aircrafts were to be converted
into kamikaze planes that would be released in “waves of 300-400, at the
rate of one wave per hour against the invasion fleet,” according to the
MCIA. The naval defense would include manned suicide torpedoes, suicide
attack boats, and suicide divers.
Defense preparations would include mobilizing civilians, as the plan
ordered all males 15 – 60 years old and all females 17 – 40 years old to
be trained with hand grenades, swords, sickles, knives, fire hooks, and
bamboo spears in preparation of joining the regular forces during night
infiltration patrols.
Along with the military plans, Japanese leadership addressed the people
directly and asked for the people to continue to fight. For example,
in a special session of the Imperial Diet on June 9, 1945 Premier
Kantaro Suzuki exalted the efforts at Okinawa and defended Japan’s “Holy
War.”
“If the whole people will march forward with death-defying
determination,” Suzuki said, “devoting their entire efforts to their own
duties and to refreshing their fighting spirit, I believe that we will
be able to overcome all difficulties.”
The controlled press continued the call to “die gloriously” in defense
of the nation and began a daily “die for the emperor” campaign, states
historian Herbert P. Bix. Or more sharply put, in the words of Dower,
there was “increasingly hysterical rhetoric exhorting the ‘hundred
million’ to die gloriously in defense of the nation and its
emperor-centered ‘national polity.’”
The Emperor and the Imperial Way
Drawing upon the decades-old doctrine of the ineffable
Imperial Way, the call to “die for the emperor” was evidently an
effective tool in war propaganda. The myth of the Emperor and the
Imperial Way had been carefully constructed, both from the feudalistic
history of Japan and from the active policies of the royal family.
Growing up, Emperor Hirohito’s education propagated the tradition of the constructed emperor identity.
He was taught “the Confucian model of the virtuous, peace-loving ruler
and the Japanese bushido model of the ideal warrior,” explains Bix, who
wrote the Pulitzer Prize-winning biography of Hirohito called Hirohito
and the Making of Modern Japan. He also learned of the extent of the
emperor’s power. For example, no laws or imperial ordinance could be
made unless the emperor gave his assent first.
The emperor identity was also constructed through the media. Censorship
laws in 1893, 1898, and 1900 prohibited critical writings on the emperor
and strictly governed all publications. In this way, the royal family
controlled the society’s perception of the Emperor as a god.
Emperor Hirohito at his coronation 1928
For example, the Commentaries on the Constitution of 1889 said, “The
Emperor is Heaven descended, divine and sacred… He must be reverenced
and is inviolable… the law has no power to hold him accountable.”
Along with this process, Japanese people constructed a new national identity called shinmin or
“loyal subjects” as Japan began to grow in political, economic and
military power. From a young age, Japanese children were taught that
they were the subjects of the emperor and had to obey him just as they
obeyed their parents, notes Bix.
In the 1890 Imperial Rescript on Education, shinmin translated as
“loyal officials directly sub-ordinated to the emperor” and “people who
obediently comply with their orders.” The Rescript also listed
Confucian virtues and stated, “Should emergency arise, offer yourselves
courageously to the State; and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of
Our Imperial Throne coeval with heaven and earth.”
This was the ideology that Emperor Hirohito called upon: Not a new edict
to fight to the death for Japan and the Emperor, but an invocation to
the culture of the emperor, which had been instilled in the Japanese
people.
This ideology may not fully provide an explanation to why thousands
committed suicide in the name of the Emperor. In Okinawa, historians and
survivors state it was ordered by the military. For the military
officers, they may have been following the bushido warrior code, which
says that one must die rather than surrender. Dower explains foreigners
often accept the mythology that the Japanese unanimously embraced death
out of devotion to the Emperor and the Imperial Way.
Historian Nancy Bartlit said in an interview with the Atomic Heritage
Foundation in 2013, “This is so complicated, but it is the opposite of
what we think of. We try to preserve a life. We try to save life. We in
the West would give our life for our buddy. We will give our life for
our country. What is different from the kamikaze who will give his life
for the Emperor? There are differences, but I raise that for the student
to examine and look at the different values.”
Students and historians will undoubtedly continue to examine and debate the Japanese mass suicides.


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