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Tudor love and a continuation of the story of the Grey Sisters with Mary Grey; the dwarf that married a giant!
Largest mass execution in US History
She killed 7 members of her own family while pregnant. Now her son could be orphaned by execution
New Delhi(CNN)Neighbors woke to a woman's cries for help just after 2 a.m. in Bawan Kheri, a village in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.
Sleepily, they emerged from their homes to find a horrific scene of mass murder.
Lateef Ullah Khan, one of the first to arrive at the two-story family home on April 15, 2008, found villager Shabnam lying unconscious on the floor near her father, Shaukat Ali, whose neck was slashed.
The bodies of Shabnam's two brothers, her mother, sister-in-law and 14-year-old cousin lay almost beheaded in a blood-splattered room, court documents showed. Her baby nephew, who they would later discover had been strangled to death, appeared to be asleep between his parents' bodies.
The case hit headlines -- not only had Shabnam murdered seven of her family members, including a 10-month old child, but she was eight weeks pregnant at the time. Shabnam and her lover, Saleem, were found guilty of the murders and sentenced to hang.
If she is executed, Shabnam -- who, like Saleem, is only referred to in court documents by one name -- will be first woman given the death penalty in India since 1955.
But with her execution looming, Shabnam's legal team is trying to halt it -- and is arguing that she is a victim, too. Lawyer Shreya Rastogi says her client, who has never admitted to the crime, is a casualty of a patriarchal society that puts caste above all else.
Aside from the people who died that night, the couple's crime created another victim --- their son, Bittu, not his real name, who Shabnam raised in prison before giving him up.
Now 12, Bittu is appealing to Indian President Ram Nath Kovind to show his mother mercy.
Why they did it
Shabnam and Saleem were young lovers who lived in the same village -- but their families didn't approve of their union.
Shabnam, who was 22 at the time of the murders, was an educated teacher from the Saifi community. Saleem, then 24, was an unemployed Pathan youth.
Although Indian castes are often associated with the Hindu community, similar social hierarchies exist among Muslim families, based on their historical occupation or which part of the Arab world they come from.
Families often pressure children to marry within their own communities. Failure to do so can lead to violence and, in extreme cases, honor killings, when family members are murdered for bringing alleged shame onto the family.
Before the killings, Lal Mohammad, the father of Shabnam's deceased sister-in-law Anjum, tipped off police about the couple's relationship.
Shabnam is going in the wrong direction, she wants to marry Saleem and the atmosphere at home is very tense," Mohammad recalled Anjum as saying, according to his witness statement at Shabnam's 2008 district court trial.
A fellow teacher at the school where Shabnam worked, Nischay Tyagi, testified that Shabnam had told him she wanted to marry Saleem, but her family opposed it. Sukkhan Ali, Shabnam's cousin, told the court Saleem would often come to Shabnam's house to meet her. Her father did not like this and beat her, he said.
But there was something Shabnam's family didn't know, the court heard. Shabnam was already pregnant with Saleem's child.
In his ruling, the district court judge SAA Husaini observed that locals "would not have been able to accept the 'haram' (illegitimate) act," referring to their unborn child. However, the judge said the couple had other options to escape the "conservative society" of Bawan Kheri, beyond murdering seven people.
It's not clear if Shabnam knew she was eight weeks pregnant at the time of the murders.
The prosecution said she did, and that partly motivated the murders. They argued Shabnam wanted to kill her family so she would be the sole heiress of their property and could live in comfort with Saleem and their newborn.
Her lawyer, Rastogi, says the prosecution did little to prove that theory. Her defense team said Shabnam only found out about the pregnancy during a routine medical check after she was arrested.
How it happened
The massacre began with a cup of tea.
On April 14, 2008, Shabnam laced her family's evening drinks with a sedative Saleem bought with the help of a fruit seller, the court found. Then, as the family slept, Shabnam called Saleem -- who arrived with an ax.
"Shabnam held up the heads of each member one by one and I slashed their throats and killed them," Saleem confessed the day after the murders to Bilal Ahmad, a tea seller with connections to the district police chief.
The court heard Saleem had hoped Ahmad's connections would help him evade punishment.
Instead, Ahmad reported Saleem's confession to the police and recounted in court what Saleem had told him: "I have made a mistake, I am in love with Shabnam, a girl from my village, and she loves me too. We have vowed to live and die together. We cannot live without each other. Because of this, Shabnam's family beat her up and said that they won't let her marry me."
Other witnesses placed Saleem at a pharmacy on the day before the murders, but the pharmacist declined to sell him any sedatives. Typically in India, strong sleeping pills can only be sold with a prescription from a doctor. Saleem then asked for help from a fruit seller outside the shop, who helped him buy the pills, the court heard.
Saleem also confessed the crime to a village administrative official, Mahender Singh, the day after the massacre, asking him to use his political connections to keep him out of jail, Singh testified in court.
After the police arrested him, Saleem retrieved a blood-stained ax from a pond that was consistent with the murder weapon. Empty packets of the pills used to sedate the family were recovered from Shabnam, according to court documents.
Shabnam initially claimed some hoodlums had entered their home and committed the crime, but police dismissed the theory because of the impossibility of them having scaled the high roof.
The home's iron door had been locked from inside, and there were no fingerprints or other evidence suggesting the presence of unidentified assailants, according to testimony from forensic official Manveer Singh.
When Khan, the neighbor, arrived at the house, he said he found Shabnam unconscious.
However, the Supreme Court noted in its 2015 judgment that Shabnam had "feigned unconsciousness and laid by the side of the deceased father's mutilated body, to callously insinuate that the crime had been committed by an outsider."
Yet, while Shabnam and Saleem had allegedly murdered so they could be together, they turned on each other in the trial. Shabnam alleged Saleem alone had killed everyone. Saleem said Shabnam had been drinking wine and called him after she had killed her family, asking him to get rid of the evidence.
The district court found the pair guilty of murdering seven people, and sentenced them to death by hanging. They appealed to the High Court of Uttar Pradesh, as well as the Supreme Court of India -- the country's highest court -- but each time, their claims of innocence were dismissed.
Giving birth behind bars
Shabnam and Saleem's son, Bittu, was born in prison in December 2008 -- eight months after the murders.
Bittu is not his real name. The boy's foster father requested that CNN use his nickname, as he has to deal with the social stigma of being the son of convicted murderers.
Shabnam raised Bittu in a women's prison, where she shared barracks with other inmates.
Other children came and went, as their mothers were freed. But Bittu stayed, waiting for the day he turned six, when he would be sent to live with someone on the outside, in accordance with Indian prison rules.
In prison, Shabnam doted on her son, said her lawyer Rastogi.
"She tried to teach (Bittu) a little bit to the extent that she could," Rastogi said. "She used to take classes for him, she used to get him to learn the alphabet, numbers, also the children of the other female inmates that were there she would teach them as well."
Usman Saifi, a former college friend of Shabnam, offered to take Bittu once he turned six. Saifi, a journalist, had contacted her in prison as he wanted to write a book about the murders.
"Initially she dismissed me because the very first question I asked her is the one I shouldn't have," said Saifi. "I asked her why she killed her family."
Saifi said it took time to convince Shabnam that Bittu would be safe living with him and his wife. In 2015, when Bittu was six, they took custody of the child and are raising him as their own.
"Bittu respects everyone and treats everyone with love," said Saifi. "He never says anything hurtful to anyone -- this is like the blooming of a lotus in muddy water."
But life is not easy for Bittu -- media attention was disrupting Bittu's life and his ability to focus on his studies, Saifi said. He also struggles with being the child of murderers, he added.
"One day, when he had gone to the mosque, someone told him that he was the son of that Shabnam who is going to be hanged. This incident affected him a lot and he was in bed all day," Saifi said.
For the sake of Bittu, Saifi and his wife have joined the fight for Shabnam to be taken off death row.
Plea for mercy
While Saleem swung the ax, Shabnam's role in slaughtering her own family shocked the nation.
"She served them tea with the love that a father would not suspect his daughter was giving him poison, a mother would not suspect her daughter is giving her poison," the trial judge said in 2010.
"Her brother, sister-in-law, cousin, no one suspected, but Shabnam knew that the last sip of this tea would be the last sip of their lives."
But Rastogi believes Shabnam has been unfairly demonized and her death penalty should be commuted.
Her view is backed by research from the Cornell Law School's Center on the Death Penalty Worldwide that found women who violate entrenched norms of gender behavior are more likely to receive the death penalty. Its 2018 report, "Judged More Than Her Crime," found women facing the death penalty were cast as the "femme fatale," the "child murderer," or the "witch."
According to the Cornell report, women are judged for what society considers to be their "moral failings," beyond the crime itself.
Shabnam and Saleem contested the death sentence, however the Supreme Court held that the punishment was proportionate, and the crime fulfilled the conditions of "rarest of rare," which is required when imposing the death penalty.
Death warrants were issued in May 2015 -- under Indian law, these need to be issued a minimum of two weeks before the execution. However, they were later revoked after a legal challenge by Project 39A, a collective opposed to the death penalty in India. The court found the warrants had been issued in "haste" as the prisoners still had legal remedies pending.
But there's still a risk new death warrants will be issued.
In February this year, lawyers for Shabnam and Saleem filed a mercy plea with the governor of Uttar Pradesh state, as a representative of the President, and the President himself.
According to Rastogi, as per case law, when conferring a death sentence a court must look at the criminal beyond the crime, to see whether there exists a possibility of reformation and rehabilitation.
"What better way to understand a young mother than to see her through the lens of her relationship with her son?" Rastogi asked.
Waiting for execution
Shabnam's death sentence made headlines again in February after one of the last remaining hangmen in India visited Mathura Jail, the only one in the country with a hanging house for women. That prompted speculation Shabnam's execution date was fast approaching.
"We are fixing it up and making sure everything is in working condition, but we can't do anything until the death warrant is issued, once we have the date, then we can order the ropes," said Akhilesh Kumar, Deputy Inspector General of Prisons for Uttar Pradesh.
Meanwhile, the superintendent of the Mathura Jail confirmed that hangman Pawan Kumar, who also hanged four convicts in the 2012 Delhi gang rape case, visited the prison in February to inspect the female hanging house.
"He did visit ... If there is something in my possession, it is my duty to ensure it is in the best shape, so if I feel that there may be something that needs to be fixed, I have to call the expert to take a look at it," Mathura Jail superintendent Shailendra Maitreya said.
Those in the country who have been campaigning to abolish the death penalty feel that executing a woman for the first time in 66 years would be a step in the wrong direction.
"Shabnam today stands in the death row queue, and if the death sentence is carried out it would further reinforce that the death penalty disproportionately falls upon the most marginalized," said lawyer and activist Vrinda Grover.
Since it was introduced in 2007, support for a United Nations resolution for a global moratorium on the death penalty has grown from 104 countries to 123 in 2020, Amnesty International figures show. India has consistently voted against it.
While 2020 saw a drop in the number of death penalties imposed in India, the decline can be attributed to the coronavirus pandemic which disrupted the court calendars, according to Project 39A.
As of March 31, 15 women were on death row in India, the group said.
Saifi hopes Shabnam's life can be spared, for the sake of her son.
"When I told him about the sentence his mother had received from court... he prepared a message on his own and appealed to the President through the media to forgive his mother," Saifi said.
In February, after rumors of Shabnam's impending hanging made headlines, Bittu held up a blackboard to reporters with a chalk message written in neat, cursive writing.
"President Uncle Ji please forgive my mother Shabnam," it said, using an Indian term of endearment for Kovind.
So far, there has been no response.
Saifi knows time is running out. He fears for Bittu, if Shabnam is hanged.
"Not only will Shabnam be gone, but this kid will be lost, and if he is lost, we will be lost," he said. "We don't have any other children. He is everything to us."
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Making Sense of a Rape Photograph: Se.xual Violence as Social Performance on the Eastern Front, 1939-1944
Making Sense of a Rape Photograph: Se.xual Violence as Social Performance on the Eastern Front, 1939-1944
This article begins with a disturbing image that has a
no-less unsettling provenance. It shows a group of fifteen young German
soldiers standing in a semicircle, carousing and laughing as one of
their comrades emulates a sex act with an unidentified woman who may or
may not be dead. The laughter of his comrades suggests approval for the
actions of the man on the ground. Although it is not clear if the
photograph depicts an act of actual rape, its aftermath, or mere
mimicry, what is certain is that the depicted scene ascribes the woman
only one function: she is an object of amusement that mediates coercion
and asymmetric power relations
It is very possible that this picture was taken before or after the soldiers raped the woman. However, irrespective of whether any penetration actually occurred, the men imitated a rape scene showcasing the woman’s body as a sexualized object of ridicule and subjugation. Sexual subordination cannot be defined solely in terms of physical assault; it is also (or even largely) carried out through seemingly more pedestrian social practices such as rape talk or rape gestures. The casualness with which the photograph(er) puts oppressive misogyny and sexism on display is disturbing. What makes the scene even more offensive to contemporary viewers is that we find ourselves drawn into the logic of the male harassers and the comedic antics. Why are these men laughing? More precisely, what is so funny about this rape scene, whether real or imagined? Precisely because nothing is obvious about this picture, the explicit—and elusive—image raises fundamental epistemological questions: What does the photograph communicate to the viewer? What remains silent and unseen? How can one grasp the overarching cultural, social, and political meanings of this image? And finally, what does it tell us about the connections between gender, sexuality, and war?
Romanian historian Adrian Cioflanca discovered this photo in the National Archives of Romania, and it carried no caption or indication of the specific context in which it was taken. The photograph is part of a larger corpus of sixty reprinted—not original—photographs. They are named after their collector, Karoly Francisc-Iosif, who, it appears, was a member of the Tudor Vladimirescu Division, which was formed in the summer of 1944 after the Soviet invasion of Romania and which fought alongside the Red Army. During the final stages of World War II, Francisc-Iosif traveled widely across Eastern Europe, which gave him the unique opportunity to gather photographic evidence of German crimes. However, he is unlikely to have been the photographer, because his collection constitutes a very eclectic mix of atrocity images. Certain photographs seem to have been taken with the clear purpose of documenting mass crimes, such as images of crematoria, concentration camp inmates, and boxes of Zyklon B, the cyanide-based pesticide used in the gas chambers. These bear an odd resemblance to the photos taken by the Red Army at the liberation of the Majdanek and Auschwitz camps. Yet other photographs have a more private, voyeuristic perspective, depicting public executions, mass graves, and images taken from the perspective of the German occupiers, like the rape scenario I have described. It is thus very likely that Francisc-Iosif seized some of these private photographs from German soldiers who had been captured by the Red Army. It is also possible that he simply found them among the objects left behind during the Wehrmacht’s hasty retreat.
The Eastern European style of the rustic wooden house looming in the background suggests that the photograph was taken in the countryside or in a rural town somewhere in the Nazi-occupied Eastern territories. The image’s chronological provenance could lie anywhere between the German invasion of Poland in September 1939, now considered the prelude to the war of extermination, and the Red Army’s westward push in the summer of 1944, which ultimately led to the liberation of the Ukraine, Belarus, Romania, and Nazi-occupied Eastern Poland. Only one thing is certain about this image: the fifteen young men wear the typical Wehrmacht cap, boots, and trousers, indicating that a Wehrmacht soldier took the picture. Because none of the soldiers appear in full regalia, it is impossible to definitively discern their individual ranks. However, based on the kneeling soldiers’ armband insignias, we can assume that the men were part of the lower-ranking service personnel of the general army (Heer). By capturing a particular moment of soldiers’ sociability, this photographic artifact exudes a certain degree of immediacy and veracity. Yet this does not make the picture easy to read or interpret. Indeed, the photograph raises a serious heuristic question: Does the fact that we know so little about its production, consumption, and circulation make it a less credible historical source?
Historians of the early modern period have long challenged the assumption that a source’s value can be determined only through an analysis of its factuality. Natalie Zemon Davis, most prominently, tracked popular violence and religious massacres in the sixteenth century by drawing attention to self-presentation, storytelling, and ritual action. The history of violence, in Davis’s understanding, not only asks for social framing but also cries out for cultural interpretations. In a similar vein, historians working on the history of colonialism have argued that source collections in the official—and unofficial—archives not only are constructed but also must be understood as the product of historically specific subjectivities and emotional states. Only by reflecting upon the intrinsic incoherencies of the content, form, and context of their archival material can historians grasp what historical anthropologist Ann Laura Stoler terms “hidden transcripts,” the many hidden stories within a source’s streamlined narrative. More recently, a historian of sexuality of colonial India, Anjali Arondekar, has pushed Stoler’s argument even further by insisting that colonial archives must be read through the lens of sexuality studies and by convincingly arguing that uncovering the traces of attitudes toward sexuality and other taboo-charged topics in the historical sources will force scholars to rethink their methodologies.
The history of sexual violence in Nazi-occupied Europe has faced similar challenges. Based on a very heterogeneous yet fragmentary corpus of sources, Regina Mühlhäuser has compellingly demonstrated the variety of motives for sexual violence and how differently it was understood by individual Wehrmacht soldiers. The perpetration of sexual violence was enabled when military authorities created a structural setting of licentiousness that allowed it. Historians’ access to archival evidence for these acts on the Eastern Front is certainly less than ideal. While running the gamut of military activity, from policy statements to medical reports, official documentation often fails to adequately illustrate the social practices and mentalities toward sexuality and violence as they played out on the ground. There are even fewer first-person accounts from victims of sexual assaults. Perpetrators’ narratives, too, are quite hard to find. In fact, detailed descriptions of sexual assaults rarely exist outside of the courtroom, particularly in the context of the Eastern Front, where rapes were rarely prosecuted. In general, the paucity of documentary evidence for sexual violence presents particular challenges for its historical investigation. This explains why most studies rely overwhelmingly on eyewitness testimonies.
However, it is not the fragmentary nature of the archival record that poses the biggest problems but rather historians’ tendency to insist that only “hard facts,” “proof,” and “veracity” can be considered the ultimate evidentiary criteria to validate source material. Despite a critical archival consciousness and increasing openness of historians of Nazism and the Holocaust to the various turns—cultural, linguistic, and visual—that have transformed historical methodology and the history of sexuality, the discipline still struggles to free itself from what Arondekar has called the positivist “extractive” logic of the archive as a “site of endless promise.” My aim here is not to discredit methodological approaches that concentrate on empirical data—after all, we are dealing with mass violence and genocide. Rather, I am suggesting a complementary close reading of empirical sources, a reading that, rather than peeling away these sources’ uncertain and subjective elements, instead directly engages with their ambiguous and contradictory meanings.
With its obvious limitations and lack of concrete provenance, the photograph I have described is an excellent case in point. Photographs insist on interpretation; a single image always contains multiple meanings “beyond the immediate control and consciousness of its creator.” As a material trace of a staged moment of lived wartime reality by combatants, what I will call the “rape-joke” photograph casts a very subjective light on history. This photographic evidence requires attention to what historian Jennifer Evans has called “shifting subjectivities,” or the way in which a photograph conjures the subjectively perceived social realities and fluctuating constructions of selfhood. I build upon Evans’s claim that it is not the “reality” or the “documentary value” the photo gestures toward that is important but rather what the viewers see in it.
Today’s readers might first notice the striking violence and horror of the image. However, one must consider that contemporary ways of seeing and points of reference are framed by much more recent conceptualizations of the Holocaust and Nazi crimes. Once we engage with the gaze of the photographer, it becomes clear that the depicted scene follows a completely different logic: despite its indisputably violent content, the photograph manages to convey the impression of fun, even as the camera captures a rape joke in a fiercely colonial context.
I will begin with an exploration of the arrangement of this image. After decoding the social practices, individual agencies, and gendered group dynamics within the violent moment depicted in the photograph, I then widen the analytical lens and situate the source within the broader historical and geographical context of the Nazi occupation of the East and its embedded culture of rape. However, the relative impunity toward sexual violence by German military authorities alone does not explain the staging of this rape-joke image. Therefore, in the third section of this article, I will readjust my lens to the larger cultural and social practices of colonial and wartime amateur photography. Snapshots reflect how soldiers perceived themselves in relation not only to the local population of a foreign country but also to existing photographic conventions. As a self-portrayed group photo, the rape image can thus be read both as a trophy photograph and what Silvan Niedermeier calls a “colonial selfie,” giving us yet another insight into the soldiers’ mindset and the meaning they were making of war.
The Horrible Story Of "11-year-old Luigi Ferri" His Escape From The Gas Chamber.
The Horrible Story Of "11-year-old Luigi Ferri" His Escape From The Gas Chamber.
At Auschwitz, 11-year-old Luigi Ferri became a number—B7525. Like most other registered prisoners, this number was tattooed onto Luigi's forearm.
Before being deported to Auschwitz in 1944, Luigi had been staying with his Jewish grandmother in Trieste, Italy. When she was arrested, Luigi refused to leave her side and demanded to be taken with her. Nevertheless, they were soon separated in the camp. His grandmother was likely murdered in a gas chamber.
Luigi faced incredible danger at Auschwitz, as most of the children deported there were murdered. His continued presence in the camp was extremely precarious.
However, with the help of Dr. Otto Wolken, an Austrian Jewish physician and fellow inmate, Luigi avoided the gas chamber and was registered in the camp. For the next several months, Dr. Wolken helped further protect and take care of him.
Both Luigi and Dr. Wolken were liberated at Auschwitz in January 1945. Luigi was one of only 500 children under the age of 15 to be liberated there.
THE TERRIBLE STORY OF BARBARA GRAHAM WHO WAS BORN IN 1923 IN OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA.
THE TERRIBLE STORY OF BARBARA GRAHAM WHO WAS BORN IN 1923 IN OAKLAND, CALIFORNIA.
She had a difficult and miserable childhood (sound a familiar story?). Her mother was sent to a reformatory when she was only 2 years old and thus Barbara was raised by neighbors and got little education.
As a teenager, she was promiscuous and in trouble with the law. She was sent to the reformatory where her mother had also been an inmate. She was released in 1939 and tried to make a new start for herself. She got married and enrolled in a business college and soon had her first child. The marriage was not a success and by 1941 she was divorced.
Barbara liked nice things and also, perhaps surprisingly, was said to enjoy classical music but she also liked gambling and drugs.
She was jailed for two months in San Diego for "lewd and disorderly conduct." She married again but this marriage lasted only a few months. In 1944, she served a jail term for prostitution. Her friends were mainly criminals who were involved in prostitution and gambling.
Life was steadily going down hill for Barbara - she had a job as a waitress in a cocktail bar but soon went back to prostitution to earn a living. In another attempt to live a decent life, she worked for a while as a nurse in Nevada. She married for the third time in 1951 but this didn't last and in 1953 she met and married Henry Graham. She had a another child by Graham, her third, a boy called Tommy who was two years old at the time of his mother's execution.
Graham involved Barbara with his low life friends. She met Emmet Perkins and Jack Santo through her husband. They were involved in various nefarious activities.
She had an affair with Perkins and agreed to help him rob an elderly widow called Mrs.
Mabel Monahan who was thought to keep large sums of money and jewelry in her house. Perkins, Santo, Barbara and a fourth gang member called John True went to the old lady's house and demanded she hand it over to them. She either wouldn't or couldn't. So according to True, Barbara lost patience and began to pistol whip the old lady and then suffocated her with a pillow.
Barbara, Perkins and Santo were soon arrested. True gave evidence against them in return for immunity from prosecution and they were all three convicted and sentenced to death.
There is much disagreement as to whether Barbara was innocent or guilty or partially guilty by virtue of being involved in the murder. She did herself no favors in prison on remand by trying to bribe a fellow "inmate" to give her an alibi. The inmate was a "plant" - a policewoman.
Barbara also tried to bribe another policeman to say she was with him on the night of the murder. This destroyed her credibility in court. When questioned about this at the trial, she said "Oh, have you ever been desperate? Do you know what it means not to know what to do."
Inevitably, the jury found all three guilty and they were sentenced to death.
Barbara was sent to the California Institute for Women at Corona from where she would be driven to St. Quentin to spend her final hours. The California state gas chamber was housed within St. Quentin and was a steel capsule painted pale green and containing two perforated metal chairs for the condemned.
Her execution was originally scheduled for 10:00 a.m. on the 3rd of June, 1955. She prepared herself and dressed in a beige wool suit and brown pumps. Her initial execution time was stayed until 10:45. At 10:43, she was being prepared when a second stay was granted - this time until 11:30 a.m. Barbara was very upset by these stays - she had prepared herself and could not understand "why do they torture me? I was ready to go at 10:00" At 11:28 a.m., the execution finally got under way. Barbara was led from the holding cell blindfolded and strapped into one of the two chairs in the gas chamber.
She had requested the blindfold so she wouldn't have to see the witnesses. "In a situation like this you don't moan, you don't beg,. you don't plead - you try to be a woman". Joe Feretti was in charge of Barbara's execution and it was his job to strap her into the chair. Once she was secure, he said to her "Now take a deep breath and it won't bother you" to which Barbara retorted, "How in the hell would you know?". She died easily unlike some gas chamber victims. Later that day the two men were executed.
Barbara got lots of media attention and was dubbed "Bloody Babs" by them. Whether she was really was we will never know
She never showed any remorse for the old lady's death and was hardly most peoples' idea of a "nice girl" but many still believe she was framed for a crime which she didn't commit.Two films were made about her both called "I want to live." One starred Susan Hayward and the other starred Lindsey Wagner and both are very moving.
Interestingly when Barbara was interviewed on death row she told the reporter, "If I have to spend the rest of my life in prison - if I have to serve more than 7 years - I wan
HOW SURGEON HAROLD GILLIES THOUSANDS OF MEN TO FACE THE WORLD AFTER THE WAR.
HOW SURGEON HAROLD GILLIES THOUSANDS OF MEN TO FACE THE WORLD AFTER THE WAR.
It’s the staring I hate.’
During the Great War, surgeon Harold Gillies helped thousands of men to literally face the world again.
A procession of men arrived at his London Queens Hospital with jaws, noses and cheeks destroyed, tongues torn out and eyeballs dislodged.
With no textbooks to follow, Gillies had to invent his own solutions. ‘He would set to work on some man who had had half his face literally blown to pieces with the skin that was left hanging in shreds,’ remembered a nurse.
While men who lost a limb were treated as heroes, those suffering facial injuries were often shunned. Mothers hurried their children indoors to avoid seeing them, while women broke off engagements to their disfigured fiancés.
Unsurprisingly, disfigured men suffered bouts of despondency and melancholia, which sometimes lead to suicide.
Gillies’ wife, Kathleen, frequently visited the wards, where she tried to ‘revive hope in despairing hearts.’
Another nurse remembered that the hardest thing to do was ‘rekindle the desire to live’ in these men.
Nurses had to learn not to react to the distressing sights to which they were exposed.
Mirrors were banned from the wards, although one nurse recalled a soldier coming into possession of shaving-glass. ‘I pretended not to see it when he called me over and asked me to put screens around his bed. Every nurse learns that there are moments when it is better to leave a patient alone because sympathy would only make things worse.’
Patients were encouraged to walk the local streets where some benches were painted blue so that passersby would be warned in advance that a disfigured man might be sitting there.
Moved by these stories, I featured Wilfred Rhodes in ‘Night in Passchendaele’, who himself, has a disfiguring scar running across his cheek which leaves his face misshapen. Rather than return to Australia, he seeks refuge in the French countryside with similarly wounded men.
While walking with Wally, who is similarly injured, Rhodes volunteers:
‘It’s the staring I hate.’
‘And the look of horror on kids’ faces,’ agrees Wally.
‘I bloody despise it.’
Their simple exchange sums up the psychological trauma suffered by thousands of men who were disfigured in the Great War.
Wild live activities
Wildlife activists demanded that forest department should take immediate steps to stop rampant poaching of wild boar throughout the state and ensure all power lines in forest areas are insulated cables
Three elephants died within 12 hours in Odisha, including two of electrocution, in three separate incidents as they fell prey to bushmeat poachers who had laid a trap with high tension 11 KV wires to kill wild boars.
The elephant was found dead after electrocution in Dhenkanal district on Tuesday, said the forest officials.(Sourced)
In Kadala village under Hindol range of Dhenkanal district, a full grown 35-year-old makhna (tuskless male elephant) was found electrocuted along with a wild boar this morning by locals.
Dhenkanal divisional forest officer Prakash Chand Gogineni said late on Monday evening, the lone elephant was passing by the village when it was tracked by elephant trackers and an official of power distribution compnay TDCCOL was asked to switch off power to avert electrocution.
“However, he did not listen to us, saying the lines were insulated. But poachers had already cut through the insulation and dangled electric wires which killed the wild boar first and the elephant later.
We would write to the distribution company with all the records, seeking departmental action against the junior engineer for not paying heed to to our requests. We are also trying to apprehend the person who laid the live wire,” said Gogineni.
Also read | Skeleton of elephant, unidentified animal found at metro construction site in Maharashtra
Similarly, late on Monday night, a 12-year-old tusker in Sambalpur district was also found electrocuted at Jadu Loisingha village after it came in contact with an electric wire connected to 11 KV line.
Sambalpur divisional forest officer Sanjeet Kumar said the tusker may have died after coming in contact with the live wire laid for poaching wild boars.
“It has been a common practice for some hunters to lay electric wires to prevent their crops from being destroyed by pachyderms and other wild animals. And this caused the death of the tusker. Exemplary punishment will be handed down to the culprits found,” said the DFO.
The elephant, part of an 18-member herd, was seen on Sunday night among paddy crops at Basiapada and Bargetikra in the area. There, the people drove the herd away into the forest. Samples have been collected for lab tests from the carcass which bore no injury marks.
The DFO said he has ordered a probe into the incident and directed assistant conservator of forest to submit a report in this connection within three days.
THE WORST DOUBLE HANGING OF TWO YOUNG MEN FOR MURDERS BY STRANGLING.
22 year old Rex Harvey Jones, a colliery repairman of Duffryn Rhondal near Port Talbot murdered Beatrice (Peggy) Mary Watts, aged 20, on Sunday the 5th of June 1949 in the Forestry Plantation at Nantybar Mountain near Port Talbot.
Rex and some friends had been out for a drink on a pleasant summer’s night at a club in Neath. Beatrice and a group of her friends had been to a dance in Morriston and the two groups met up in Victoria Gardens, Neath later that evening. They all went home on the bus. When they got off Rex said he would see Beatrice home and they walked together down an unlit country lane.
The next that was heard of them was when Rex phoned the police at 1.15 a.m. and told them to come as he had killed a girl, whose name he gave as Peggy Watts. The duty constable rode to the telephone box where Rex was waiting for him.
Rex could give no reason for killing her and told the constable that they had gone into the plantation on Nanytbar Mountain and had sex. When they had finished, he manually strangled her. He later told police that something had come over him and he knew he had strangled the girl because his thumbs were sore.
Jones was examined by Dr. J. M. Taylor at 3.35 a.m. on the 6th of July and found to be “extraordinarily cool and not in the least emotional.” “He seemed as if he had finished a day’s work and answered questions (I) put to him immediately.”
Jones was tried at the Glamorgan Assizes at Swansea before Mr. Justice Croom-Johnson on the 12th of July 1949 with the prosecution led by Mr. H Edmund and defence by Mr. Arthian Davies.
His confession was not withdrawn. In his summing up, Mr. Justice Croom-Johnson told the jury “If you are satisfied that this man is guilty you must ignore his previous good character, how ever high it may be.
You have to steel your hearts against good character and steel your hearts to see that justice is done.” The jury returned a guilty verdict, but with a recommendation to mercy.
Jones did not lodge an appeal and it was announced on Monday the 25th of July that the double execution would be carried out on Thursday the 4th of August 1949.
Case 2.
Robert Thomas MacKintosh was a 21 year old steel worker, from Vivian Square, Aberavon in Glamorgan south Wales.
16 year old Beryl Beechy’s family were friends with the MacKintosh family and had all lived in the same house at Green Park Street in Aberavon at one time.
On the evening of Friday the 3rd of June 1949, Beryl’s mum, Margaret, asked her daughter to take 10 shillings (50p) to Mrs. MacKintosh who lived in Vivian Square in Aberavon. Beryl was seen near there at 7.30 pm. walking in the right direction.
Her body was found on an ash heap on a nearby railway embankment the following morning, just 40 yards from her home. She had been strangled with a cord which was still round her neck. It was reported that Beryl had been “interfered with” presumably sexually, although it was not reported whether she was raped.
Police enquiries soon led them to the MacKintosh home. When they interviewed MacKintosh he told them that he got home from work at around 6 p.m. and that Beryl had called and given him the ten shillings, while he was cleaning the house.
The police made a detailed examination of the home and discovered blood stains in Robert’s room and noted that material found on Beryl’s dress matched that from the staircase of the MacKintosh home.
MacKintosh changed his story and said that he had invited Beryl in and something had come over him, causing him to strangle her. He then took the body out, covered in a coat and threw it over a low wall onto the railway embankment. He later made a statement in which he said “I have been a pig.
Something came over me and it was the same as happened before when I tried to kiss my sister. My mind went a blank.” It appears that MacKintosh had served in Egypt and Palestine while doing his National Service in the Army and this may have affected him. He claimed that it had and he had not been the same since.
MacKintosh was also tried at Swansea before Mr. Justice Croom-Johnson on the following day, the 13th of July 1949. His barrister, Mr. H. Glynn-Jones told the court that he was not going to call witnesses for the defence.
Addressing the jury he said “the devil of lust took possession of the heart of a young man of good character and unblemished record. Possessed by that devil such a man became for the time being something worse than the beast in the field.” MacKintosh did not appeal either.
Both men were hanged at 9.00 a.m. on Thursday the 4th of August 1949 by Albert Pierrepoint, assisted by Harry Kirk and George Dickinson, at Swansea Prison. This was the only time Dickinson acted as an assistant and he resigned afterwards.
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